After that effort failed, Pyongyang has now effectively “given up.” It believes it has no options left, and has continued developing its nuclear program and increasingly hardening its position, emboldened by the geopolitical context in respect to Russia and China. It might be noted early on that this assessment does not give “hard” evidence of North Korea pursuing such a path, and relies only on changes in Pyongyang’s rhetoric to argue that the DPRK’s claims are not “bluster” but a true reflection of its strategic position. Many things have changed since 2019 that should be taken into consideration: the Biden administration has no interest in negotiating with North Korea, a hostile Presidency has came to power in Seoul under Yoon Suk-yeol, who is pro-Japan and has abandoned the reconciliatory approach of Moon Jae-in, while the US’ confrontation against both Russia and China has given the DPRK new options to try and subvert the isolation it experienced during the era of American unipolarity.
Because of this, the US has completely lost its ability to hold North Korea’s nuclear and ballistic missile programs to account, with new sanctions now being blocked at the UN by Moscow and Beijing, and existing ones not enforced. North Korea is increasingly capable of hitting the American homeland with ICBMs. This is also making unilateral, pre-emptive military action by the US against the DPRK an increasingly unrealistic prospect. But why would this enable Kim Jong-un to pursue a war of choice against South Korea and, should he start one, would he truly have a chance of winning it? North Korea’s entire diplomatic strategy from the 1950s onwards has always been to exert maximum leverage for itself as a small country, by creating crisis. This is the Juche ideology’s ultimate focus on independence and sovereignty at all costs, even to its own population. To this end, the DPRK has always been provocative, whether it be killing US soldiers with axes, capturing the US spy ship USS Pueblo, shelling South Korean islands indiscriminately or even sinking a South Korean warship during an exercise. In doing so it aims to force the hands of not only its enemies but also of those who are friendly to it. Recognizing its critical strategic position, Pyongyang has absolutely no problem dragging Moscow and Beijing into a crisis whether they like it or not, and was happy to cause significant trouble during the Sino-Soviet split. Therefore, in an era when China and Russia are both in a state of tensions –even confrontation– with the US, North Korea ultimately calculates opportunity for itself and extended leverage. Kim Jong-un will recognize that neither state in such a geopolitical situation could tolerate the fall of his regime and the reunification of the Korean peninsula on US-centric terms, which, for China, places an American military presence right next to its own border. Indeed, even though Kim Il-sung started the Korean war in 1950 and subsequently faced defeat from the US and its allies, China still saved him – and back then it was much weaker than it is now. So, would Kim Jong-un fancy his chances in unleashing a full-scale war again on the Korean peninsula on the premise China would be forced to intervene? That isn’t beyond the realm of possibility. Does Kim want the US and China to normalize and improve ties? Of course not, because it means they will cooperate against him to force him to denuclearize. As for the benefits of such a reconciliation for the global economy – why would Kim care about that when his country is impoverished and isolated from said global economy anyway? So where does this leave the DPRK? It leaves Kim Jong-un with a window of time to achieve a series of geopolitical objectives and goals, in a context which is favorable to him, and therein raises the prospect of a serious escalation of tensions in some way. We’ve already seen how similar considerations led to a full-scale war, or two now, in the Middle East. We can’t determine whether they will lead to the outbreak of a conflict on the Korean peninsula, but it would be foolish to rule out the possibility, given the world we live in today. Multipolarity has arrived and it heralds the collapse of the US-centric, unipolar order which imposed stability by force as a one-way street. Many obviously assume the DPRK’s Soviet-era military could be destroyed by overwhelming US and allied power in the same way Saddam Hussein’s was in 1991 and 2003, but that was a different world. Here, you have a nuclear capable DPRK that has overseas backers who, while never wanting such a conflict, can’t afford to see the state fail. North Korea has made attempts at peace but met with America’s absolute unwillingness to compromise – therefore, what options does Kim have left to deal with South Korea?
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A senior official of the Iranian-backed Houthi terrorist group says Chinese and Russian vessels will have safe passage through the Red Sea.
Mohammed al-Bukhaiti, a member of the Houthi political leadership, said in an interview with the Russian outlet Izvestia that the shipping lanes around Yemen are safe to ships from China and Russia as long as vessels are not connected with Israel, Agence France-Presse reported Friday, citing Izvestia. The Houthis have said they are acting in solidarity with Palestinians amid Israel’s war against Hamas militants in Gaza and have carried out more than 30 attacks in the Red Sea. However, the Houthis have launched attacks on ships with no apparent connection with Israel, resulting in some shipping firms avoiding the shipping lanes where the Houthis have launched attacks. Major shipping companies have responded by rerouting vessels on the longer and more expensive route around Africa. The Red Sea route is a vital shipping link between Europe and Asia, carrying about 15% of the world’s maritime traffic. The Houthi rebels launched two anti-ship ballistic missiles at a U.S.-owned ship in the Gulf of Aden, the U.S. Central Command said in a statement late Thursday. The statement said the crew saw the missiles land in the water near the ship. There were no reported injuries or damage to the ship, the M/V Chem Ranger, a Marshall Island-flagged, U.S.-owned, Greek-operated tanker ship, U.S. Central Command said. Yemen’s Houthi rebels said they had carried out the attack, claiming “direct hits,” a statement on the group’s social media said. On Thursday, U.S. forces carried out more strikes against targets inside Iranian-backed, Houthi-controlled territory in Yemen, as concerns grow that the Israel-Hamas conflict could expand into a full-blown war across the Middle East. Lai Ching-te, the leader of the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), won Taiwan's presidential elections on Saturday. The DPP champions Taiwan's separate identity and rejects China's territorial claims and Beijing had repeatedly denounced Lai as a dangerous separatist.
Lai, the current vice president, was facing two opponents for the presidency - Hou Yu-ih of Taiwan's largest opposition party the Kuomintang (KMT) and former Taipei Mayor Ko Wen-je of the small Taiwan People's Party, only founded in 2019. Both conceded defeat, reported news agency Reuters. The election held on Saturday was framed as a choice between war and peace by China. In the run-up to the elections, the opposition party, Kuomintang, warned voters that choosing Lai Ching-te could lead to unrest. Lai had said he is committed to preserving peace and the status quo across the Taiwan Strait and boosting the island's defences Tokyo has been expanding its security ties with multiple Southeast Asian countries ahead of a Japan-ASEAN summit that analysts see as a forum to offset China's aggressive behavior in the region.
Japan is scheduled to host the ASEAN-Japan Commemorative Summit in Tokyo from Saturday to Monday, marking the 50th anniversary of ASEAN-Japan friendship and cooperation. Japan and 10 ASEAN countries seek to expand ties at a time when "the free and open international order based on the rule of law is under serious challenge," Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida said Wednesday. Kishida said challenges in the Indo-Pacific include "attempts to unilaterally change the status quo by force" in the East and South China seas and "North Korea's increasing nuclear missile activities." Saying that ASEAN is "the key for the realization of Japan's vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific," Kishida added that the economic prosperity of ASEAN's 10 members "can only be achieved if the peace and stability of the region are protected." Liu Pengyu, a spokesperson for the Chinese Embassy in Washington, said on Thursday that "China is glad to see relevant countries and regional organizations develop friendly and cooperative relations." He continued: "But we hope that such relations would not target a third party and should contribute to regional peace, stability and prosperity." While China will not be at the summit, analysts said it is likely to figure prominently in the talks. "Japan regards China's regional hegemonic ambitions as a grave threat to its security and has actively worked to upgrade security partnerships … to contain China in line with the U.S.-backed free and open Indo-Pacific," Jeff Kingston, professor of history and Asian studies at Temple University, Japan Campus, told VOA in an email. In Japan, 76% of adults see China as a bigger threat than North Korea's nuclear weapons, according to a survey that the Pew Research Center conducted from June to September and released on December 5. Just as the Philippines and Vietnam have maritime disputes with China in the South China Sea, Tokyo has a long-standing territorial dispute with Beijing over the Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea, known in China as the Diaoyu Islands. The Japanese Foreign Ministry expressed "serious concern" on Wednesday about clashes between Chinese and Philippine vessels in the South China Sea, supporting the Philippines' "long-standing objections to unlawful maritime claims, militarization, coercive activities" in the area. In the run-up to the summit, Japan has held meetings with several Southeast Asian countries to broaden their security ties. On December 7, Japanese Ambassador Atsushi Ueno met with Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet in Phnom Penh and discussed forging closer security ties, including organizing joint naval exercises and army working group meetings. Kishida held talks with Vietnam's President Vo Van Thuong on November 27 in Tokyo and, in upgrading their ties to a "comprehensive strategic partnership," agreed to expand defense exchanges and transfers of defense equipment. The United States and Taiwan are exploring ways to expand Taiwan’s participation in the United Nations system and other international forums, as well as addressing a range of global challenges, including public health, aviation safety and climate change. The most recent routine consultation between the U.S. and Taiwan took place Wednesday, days after the Chinese delegation at COP28 opposed calls to include Taiwan in the United Nations climate talks in Dubai. All participants in the latest U.S.-Taiwan talks "recognized the importance of working closely with likeminded partners who share our concerns regarding attempts to exclude Taiwan from the international community," according to the U.S. State Department in a statement. Taiwan Relations Act Senior American officials have said Washington’s "One China" policy is "distinct" from Beijing’s "One China" principle. The U.S. policy is guided by the Taiwan Relations Act, the Three Joint Communiques and the Six Assurances. China has objected to the Taiwan Relations Act and deemed it as invalid. The Taiwan Relations Act has stated that "nothing in this Act may be construed as a basis for supporting the exclusion or expulsion of Taiwan from continued membership in any international financial institution or any other international organization." The Chinese Communist Party has never ruled Taiwan but claims sovereignty over the island, which became home to the Chinese Nationalist government after its defeat in 1949. During the U.N. climate talks held in the United Arab Emirates, Chinese officials lodged a protest after calls to include Taiwan's participation in the climate summit by other countries. "China has noted that during the meeting a handful of countries ignore the fact that Taiwan is an inalienable part of China and make noises about the participation by the Taiwan authorities in the COP," a member of the Chinese delegation said via a translator in the plenary hall in Dubai. Wednesday, officials from the State Department and Taiwan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs discussed near-term opportunities to support Taiwan’s participation in the World Health Assembly (WHA) and other global public health bodies, the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO), as well as Taiwan’s meaningful participation in other multilateral organizations. World Health Organization and International Civil Aviation Organization The Beijing government has been blocking Taiwan's representation at WHA meetings after the self-ruled democracy elected Tsai Ing-wen, a China skeptic, as president in 2016. China has also blocked Taiwan's participation in ICAO assemblies since 2013. Since the U.S. switched its diplomatic recognition from the government of Taipei to Beijing in 1979, Washington has insisted that the two sides should resolve their political disputes peacefully. Tuesday, U.S. Ambassador to China Nicholas Burns said "fundamental differences" over Taiwan persist in Washington’s relationship with Beijing. The top U.S. diplomat on China said the United States will continue to implement the Taiwan Relations Act and help Taiwan with its defense needs, renewing the U.S. commitment to maintain peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait.
In recent months, China has been increasing its military activities near the strait. The United States has voiced concerns about any Chinese interference through military coercion, as Taiwan prepares for a presidential election in January 2024. "I think what we can do is to insist that the people in Taiwan have an opportunity to vote freely on January 13," Burns told an audience during a seminar hosted by the U.S.-based Council on Foreign Relations. In Beijing, Chinese officials said the election in Taiwan "is purely China’s internal affair." "Taiwan independence" means war and "Taiwan independence" is a dead end, China’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson Wang Wenbin said during a recent briefing. In a recent interview with VOA, U.S. Senior Official for Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Matt Murray said, "We certainly want to make sure there are opportunities for engagement" between the U.S. and Taiwan in international economic forums, as Taiwan is one of the top trading partners and investors in the United States. Morris Chang, founder of Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company, represented Taiwan during the APEC summit in San Francisco in mid-November, where he held talks with U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris. The two discussed the U.S.-Taiwan "relationship on the economy and technology," Harris said in a social media post on X, formerly Twitter. Chang also had a pull-aside meeting with U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken during the APEC meetings, according to Murray. The last U.S.-Taiwan working group meeting on international organizations took place in April. Canada is broadening a probe of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and freezing its participation in the multilateral organization indefinitely, the government said Friday.
Ottawa had temporarily suspended its involvement in the AIIB in June after a whistleblower asserted that China's ruling party pulls the strings at the bank. The AIIB, a project pushed by Chinese President Xi Jinping, was launched in 2016 to counter Western dominance of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. It has 106 global members, including Australia, Canada, France and Germany. "In consultation with some of our closest international partners, Canada is expanding its review of the AIIB," Deputy Prime Minister Chrystia Freeland said in a statement, adding that its participation in the bank would remain indefinitely suspended. The probe will include an analysis of AIIB investments, as well as its governance and management frameworks, and an assessment of management's response to concerns raised by a former executive. Bob Pickard, a Canadian who was the bank's communications chief, resigned in June and alleged that the organization is dominated by members of the Chinese Communist Party and primarily funds projects of interest to Beijing. Ottawa said it has raised those concerns with Australia, Britain, Germany and Sweden on the sidelines of a recent IMF meeting. The AIIB and China's foreign ministry have rejected Pickard's explosive claims, saying the bank operates with "openness, meritocracy and transparency." Whisky is perhaps Scotland’s finest export. However, in the Far East, whisky of the Japanese variety has been making a name for itself. At first these whiskies were murmuring in the background, then the ripples gradually became larger and now today, Japanese whiskies are highly sought after and revered worldwide. The history of Japanese whisky is one of fascination and charm, beginning in 1854. Commodore Matthew Perry was sent to Japan by command of US President Millard Fillmore. The aim of Perry’s mission was to reverse Japan’s 220-Year-old policy of national isolation under the Tokugawa shogunate and to secure new trading routes. After concluding the Japan-U.S. Treaty of Peace and Amity, Commodore Perry held a banquet on the deck of his flagship, USS Powhatan. Many of those in attendance were invited Japanese guests and this is where these guests first tasted the water of life. Other trade agreements consequently followed, and Japan officially opened for business, at least to the West. Imports flowed into Japan including beer, wine and spirits. Whisky inspired the Japanese people, but imports were expensive and in short supply. Domestic producers began creating products to try and capitalise on demand by mixing alcohol with sugar, spice and other flavourings, but these were a long, long way from authentic whisky! The Settsu Sake Company saw a gap in the market for authentic whisky so, in 1918, they sent chemistry student Masataka Taketsuru to Scotland to learn whisky distilling first hand. Taketsuru enrolled on a chemistry course at Glasgow University, then headed to Elgin to find the author of The Manufacture Of Spirit: As Conducted in The Distilleries Of The United Kingdom, J.A. Nettleton. Taketsuru translated the book into Japanese and when he located Nettleton, he asked for around £15 per month for training and accommodation. £15 per month might not sound like a lot of money, but it was a stretch beyond Taketsuru’s budget.This might have been the end of the story however a determined Taketsuru went on a quest with a map of Speyside’s distilleries to find an apprenticeship. The second distillery that he called at, Longmorn, took him for a short while and Taketsuru recorded every single minute detail in his journal before heading back to Glasgow to continue his studies. During his first year of study Taketsuru befriended medical student Ella Cowan and was soon invited to her family home where he then became their lodger. Taketsuru went on to form a strong relationship with Ella’s older sister Rita based on a shared passion for music and literature – just over a year later the happy couple got married in Glasgow. However, it wasn’t plain sailing at first as both sets of parents disapproved. Unphased, they started their married life in Campbeltown, around 100 miles west of Glasgow, beyond the Isle of Arran. The newlyweds eventually moved West over the Atlantic Ocean via steamship and across the United States, ultimately arriving in Taketsuru’s homeland. By this time The Settsu Brewery Co. was facing adversity due to a destabilised economy, inflation, and the recession that took place after World War I. Taketsuru continued to work but was left in a difficult place as Settsu considered it too much of a risk to act on Taketsuru’s knowledge. Taketsuru consequently parted ways with the company and went to work as a chemistry teacher at a high school. Meanwhile Shinjiro Torii had founded Torii Shoten (now Suntory). They were fairly successful with port wine being their staple product. They were also manufacturing cheap imitation whiskies due to the popularity of US and Scotch imports. Torii saw the gap in the market and knew that there needed to be an authentic whisky distilled in Japan. He approached Taketsuru to set up the country’s first whisky distillery – Yamazaki. Five years later, in 1929, The Yamazaki Distillery's first real malt whisky, Shirofuda 'White Label' went on sale. White Label didn’t sell well – its speculated that the smoky flavour wasn’t to the taste of the Japanese, who simply weren’t used to that sort of drink. In order to ensure his firm would be a success Torii wanted to create an expression more to the taste of the Japanese consumer. Taketsuru was against this idea and wanted to stay true to his passion – creating whisky the ways he had learned during his time in Scotland. At the end of Taketsuru’s 10 year contract his partnership with Torii dissolved. As a result, Taketsuru began a new chapter by forming Nikka. Staying true to his cause, Taketsuru chose the small town of Yoichi as the perfect spot for a distillery on Japanese soil, with the climate and crisp air of the region about as close to the climate of Scotland as he was going to get. Taketsuru started distillation in 1936 using the first pot still he designed, and in 1940 Nikka's first expression Nikka Whisky Rare Old was released. This was the beginning of the great Japanese whisky rivalry between Nikka and Suntory, a rivalry still going today. Moving forward, Japanese whisky became much more than an imitation of its Scottish cousin. There are so many elements that make Japanese whisky a completely different dram: some things that might explain the differences are the clear mineral-rich water of Japan; the Japanese climate and distinct seasons, which are thought to help the aging process due to much quicker maturation; and even the distinct flavours of Japanese oak– mizunara, with Japanese whiskies often matured in bourbon or sherry casks and then moved to mizunara casks to develop the flavour further. As Japanese whiskies grew in popularity more and more were awarded prestigious accolades, such as the Yamazaki Sherry Cask 2013 being awarded World’s Best Whisky in Jim Murray's Whisky Bible 2015, whisky connoisseurs and investors bought up stock, and push up the value. With a finite amount of aged whiskies in circulation, Japanese distillers needed to innovate with what they had and go beyond age statement single malt and single grain whiskies. Due to this some of the most exquisite blended whiskies came out of Japan. The rapid spike in popularity of Japanese whiskies has meant that some varieties are being discontinued as there simply isn’t enough liquid to meet demand. Suntory announced in 2018 that it would halt selling Hibiki 17 Year Old and Hakushu 12 Year Old for this reason. Traditional Japanese culture, attention to detail and ‘Kaizen’ – the philosophy of continuous, incremental improvement – can all be linked to the art of whisky making in Japan. This would go some way as to explain the subtle and delicate yet powerful characteristics of many Japanese whiskies. With more and more Japanese whiskies receiving international awards we expect their popularity to continue to grow. This is likely to send valuations up even further as supply tries to meet the global demand. Now certainly seems like the perfect time to either taste or invest in Japanese whisky.
According to Basha, the Russian bank recorded an exponential growth in transactions settled in national currencies passing through VTB’s infrastructure within the subsidiaries and branches abroad. She added that the bank also works in India and China and operates a chain of banks across the Commonwealth of Independent States.
The global trend towards using national currencies in cross-border trade instead of the US dollar began to gain momentum in 2022, shortly after Ukraine-related sanctions saw Russia cut off from the Western financial system and its foreign reserves frozen. Thailand’s new civilian-led administration is facing criticism over its plan to go forward with the purchase of a high-cost navy frigate from China in a deal first negotiated by the previous military government.
The purchase of the vessel was negotiated after China reneged on a 2017 plan to sell Thailand a S26T Yuan-class submarine because it could not obtain diesel engines from Germany, which forbids them to be used in Chinese military hardware, according to the Bangkok Post. However the frigate, which would add to an existing fleet of seven mostly Chinese-built frigates, will cost the country $480 million — $28 million more than the submarine would have cost. That has been criticized by the opposition Move Forward Party, which argues that the submarine deal should simply have been allowed to lapse. "Chinese authority should rather take responsibility for failing the agreement," said Move Forward MP Rangsiman Rome, who was quoted by Matichon, a major Thai newspaper and website. Thai Defense Minister Sutin Klungsang has defended the purchase, saying that revoking the deal or asking for a refund from China “would only impact other aspects of cooperation and relations” between the two countries. Sutin also said that the submarine deal is being shelved rather than replaced by the new warship deal. Scott Edwards, a lecturer in international relations at the University of Reading in the U.K., said there may be other countries where Thailand could purchase a frigate but that political considerations can go into a purchase. "Vessels sometimes rely on originating countries for spare parts and maintenance," he wrote in an email exchange. John Bradford, executive director of the Japan-based Yokosuka Council on Asia-Pacific Studies, pointed out some advantages to a frigate over a submarine. He said the training and maintenance costs should be lower, and that a frigate would be more useful in dealing with challenges posed by Thailand's "exceptionally complex" maritime environment. Those challenges include fishing regulation enforcement, guarding against smuggling, ocean resource protection and governance over waters that face both the Indian and Pacific oceans, Bradford said. Edwards agreed that a frigate is more sensible than a submarine, which would likely be underutilized and of limited use to Thailand. "While Thailand may want submarines to match the subsurface capabilities of its neighbors, frigates can also be equipped with anti-submarine warfare capabilities," said Edwards, who is an expert in Southeast Asia's maritime security governance. However, he questioned Bangkok's decision to purchase a frigate from Beijing, citing China's assertive behavior in the South China Sea. "China's actions in the South China Sea should still be a consideration despite Thailand not being in direct dispute," he said. Thailand previously purchased two Naresuan-class and four Chao Phraya-class frigates from China as well as one frigate from South Korea. Most of the missile-launching warships have been in commission since the 1990s. While Thailand has relied on both the United States and China for military hardware, the kingdom shifted toward Beijing after a 2014 coup prompted the U.S. to suspend millions of dollars in military financing and funding for military education and training. Washington normalized its relations with Bangkok after a 2019 election, widely seen as legitimizing the military-led government. The vote was held under a junta-written constitution and resulted in the victory of coup leader General Prayuth Chan-ocha. Dulyapak Preecharush, associate professor of Asian studies at Thammasat University in Bangkok, noted that Thailand has been led by a civilian government since August and argued that the kingdom should maintain a nonalignment policy, including more balance on military hardware procurement. "Thai [Defense Ministry] has acknowledged the current geopolitical competition between the US and China and will put more balance on Thai relations with major powers," he wrote in a recent email to VOA Thai. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, Thailand bought 33% of its military material from South Korea, 14% from China and 10% from the United States during the period from 2018 to 2022. Edwards, from the University of Reading, agreed that the current Thai government, led by the Pheu Thai Party and consisting of pro-military and pro-establishment coalitions, is likely to rebalance toward the U.S. But "it is unlikely such shifts will be dramatic in nature," he wrote, noting that as recently as May, the U.S. rejected selling F-35 stealth fighter jets to Thailand. Thailand's trade volume with China in 2022 was about $135 billion, according to China's state-run Business Information Center. Its total trade with the United States that year was an estimated $79.1 billion, according to the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative. The history of Taiwan is a complex and multifaceted story that spans centuries, shaped by the interactions of various indigenous cultures, colonial powers, and geopolitical forces. Here is an overview of key events in the founding and existence of Taiwan: Indigenous Peoples: Taiwan's history begins with its indigenous peoples, who have inhabited the island for thousands of years. Austronesian-speaking tribes, including the Pingpu and Formosan peoples, were the first to settle in Taiwan. They established unique cultures and societies, living off the island's abundant natural resources. Dutch and Spanish Colonization (17th Century): In the 17th century, European powers began to take an interest in Taiwan. The Dutch East India Company established a foothold in southern Taiwan in the early 17th century, followed by the Spanish in the north. The indigenous peoples resisted these foreign incursions, leading to conflicts. Ming Loyalists and Qing Dynasty (17th-19th Century): The Ming Dynasty loyalists, led by Zheng Chenggong (Koxinga), expelled the Dutch from Taiwan in 1662. However, the Ming forces' rule was short-lived, as the Qing Dynasty defeated Koxinga's descendants and incorporated Taiwan into its empire in 1683. Taiwan remained a part of the Qing Dynasty for the next two centuries. Japanese Rule (1895-1945): In 1895, after the First Sino-Japanese War, the Treaty of Shimonoseki ceded Taiwan to Japan. The Japanese colonial period saw significant economic and infrastructural development but was marked by strict authoritarian rule and the suppression of local cultures. Taiwan played a role in World War II, particularly during the Pacific War. The story of Taiwan's founding and existence is closely intertwined with the political career of Chiang Kai-shek, a prominent figure in Chinese history. Here is a more detailed account that highlights Chiang Kai-shek's role: Early 20th Century: As the Qing Dynasty collapsed, China went through a series of internal conflicts and foreign invasions. Amidst this turbulence, Chiang Kai-shek rose to prominence within the Kuomintang (KMT), the Nationalist Party of China, under the leadership of Sun Yat-sen. Northern Expedition (1926-1928): Chiang Kai-shek played a crucial role in the Northern Expedition, a military campaign launched by the KMT to reunify China. During this campaign, the KMT sought to eliminate the warlords and unify the country under its rule. Chiang Kai-shek emerged as the leader of the National Revolutionary Army and successfully achieved several military victories. Shanghai Massacre (1927): In 1927, Chiang Kai-shek turned against his Communist allies, leading to the Shanghai Massacre. This marked the beginning of a split between the KMT and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Chiang's KMT established the Republic of China (ROC) with its capital in Nanjing, while the CCP retreated to rural areas to continue its revolutionary activities. Second Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945): During the Second Sino-Japanese War, Chiang Kai-shek led China in resisting the Japanese invasion. The war severely strained China's resources and infrastructure, and the KMT government retreated to Chongqing, where it continued to resist Japanese aggression. World War II and Post-War Period: At the end of World War II, Japan's defeat resulted in the return of Taiwan to Chinese control. The Allied forces, led by the ROC, took control of Taiwan, ending fifty years of Japanese rule. Chinese Civil War (1927-1949): The Chinese Civil War resumed after World War II between the KMT and the CCP. Despite receiving substantial aid from the United States, the KMT faced internal corruption and military setbacks. By 1949, the CCP, under Mao Zedong, emerged victorious, and Chiang Kai-shek retreated with the remnants of the KMT to Taiwan. Chinese Nationalist Rule (1945-1949): After Japan's defeat in 1945, Taiwan was placed under the administrative control of the Republic of China (ROC), led by the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang or KMT). Initially, the KMT administration faced challenges, including social unrest and conflicts with the local population. The ROC retained control of Taiwan after the Chinese Civil War, which concluded in 1949 with the Communist victory on the mainland. Cold War and International Recognition (1949-1971): During the Cold War, Taiwan became a key ally of the United States and was recognized by many Western countries as the legitimate government of China. The ROC held the Chinese seat at the United Nations until 1971 when the UN General Assembly passed Resolution 2758, recognizing the People's Republic of China (PRC) as the only legitimate representative of China. Establishment of the Republic of China on Taiwan (1949):
In 1949, Chiang Kai-shek proclaimed Taipei as the temporary capital of the Republic of China. The KMT government declared itself the legitimate government of all of China, despite controlling only Taiwan and a few surrounding islands. Authoritarian Rule and Economic Development: Chiang Kai-shek established an authoritarian regime in Taiwan. While political freedoms were restricted, he initiated economic reforms that transformed Taiwan from an agrarian society into an industrialized powerhouse. Land reforms, infrastructure development, and an emphasis on education played key roles in this economic transformation. Chiang Ching-kuo and Democratization: Chiang Kai-shek's son, Chiang Ching-kuo, succeeded him in 1975. Under Chiang Ching-kuo's leadership, Taiwan gradually transitioned to democracy. Political reforms allowed for multiparty elections, and in 1996, Taiwan held its first direct presidential election, marking a significant milestone in the island's democratization. Chiang Kai-shek's legacy remains complex, with opinions divided on his contributions to Taiwan's development and the authoritarian nature of his rule. Today, Taiwan stands as a vibrant democracy with a unique history shaped by its complex relationship with China and the legacy of leaders like Chiang Kai-shek. Modern Taiwan (Post-1971): Following its expulsion from the UN, Taiwan continued to develop as an economic powerhouse. The island underwent a significant political transformation in the late 20th century, transitioning from authoritarian rule to democracy. Reforms initiated by leaders such as Chiang Ching-kuo and Lee Teng-hui paved the way for multiparty elections, and in 2000, Taiwan elected its first non-KMT president, Chen Shui-bian. Today, Taiwan is a vibrant democracy with a diverse cultural heritage and a thriving economy. However, its political status remains a contentious issue, with the PRC claiming sovereignty over the island and the international community maintaining a complex relationship with both Taiwan and China. |
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